The Lincoln-Douglas debates in the 1858 Senate elections In Illinois constitute some of the best political oratory in US. History For two, three hours and more, the public would listen to Abraham Lincoln, who recently had grown a beard to improve his looks, debate Stephen Douglas, the experienced Incumbent who had done much for Illinois.

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In the end, Douglas won reelection, but Lincoln made a name for himself as a political candidate who carried himself well and who was quick-witted while vague about his political convictions. This was just the individual the Republican Party needed for its 1860 presidential campaign. In many ways, Lincoln was a thoroughly modern candidate.

While we were at Freeport, In one of these Joint discussions, I answered certain Interrogatories which Judge Douglas had propounded to me, and then In turn propounded some to him, which he in a sort of way answered. The third one of these interrogatories I have with me, and wish now to make some comments upon it. It was in these words: “If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States Anton exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting, and following such decision as a rule of political action? . Len the second clause of the sixth article, I believe It Is, of the Constitution of the united States, we find the following language: “This constitution and the laws of the united states which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, and the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of NY State to the contrary, notwithstanding. The essence of the Dried Scott case is compressed into the sentence which I will now read: “Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property In a slave Is distinctly and expressly affirmed In the constitution. ” I repeat It “The right

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of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. ” What is it to be “affirmed” in the Constitution? Made firm in the Constitution,-so made that it cannot be separated from the Constitution without breaking the Constitution; arable as the Constitution and part of the Constitution.

Now, remembering the provision of the Constitution which I have read; affirming that that instrument Is the supreme law of the land; that the Judges of every State shall be bound by it, any law or constitution of any state to the contrary notwithstanding that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in that Constitution, is made, formed into, and cannot be separated from it without breaking it; durable as the Instrument; part of the instrument-what follows as a short and even syllogistic argument from it?

It think it allows, and I submit to the consideration of men capable of arguing, whether as I state It, In syllogistic form, the argument has any fault in it? Nothing In the Constitution or laws of any State can destroy a right distinctly and expressly affirmed In the constitution of the united states. The right of property in a slave Is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution of the united States.

Therefore, nothing in believe that no fault can be pointed out in that argument; assuming the truth of the premises, the conclusion, so far as I have capacity at all to understand it, follows inevitably. There is a fault in it as I think, but the fault is not in the reasoning: the falsehood in fact is a fault in the premises. I believe that the right of property in a slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, and Judge Douglas thinks it is.

I believe that the Supreme Court and the advocates of that decision may search in vain for the place in the Constitution where the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed. I say, therefore, that I think one of the premises is not true in fact. But it is true with Judge Douglas. It is true with the Supreme Court who pronounced it. They are stopped from denying it, and being stopped from denying it the conclusion follows that, the Constitution of the United States being the supreme law, no constitution or law can interfere with it.

It being affirmed in the decision that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, the conclusion inevitably follows that no State law or constitution can destroy that right. I then say to Judge Douglas and to all others, that I think it will take better answer than a sneer to show that those who have said that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, are not prepared to show that no constitution or law can destroy that right.

I say I believe it will take a far better argument than a mere sneer to show to the minds of intelligent men that however has so said, is not prepared, whenever public sentiment is so far advanced as to Justify it, to say the other. This is but an opinion, and the opinion of one very humble man; but it is my opinion that the Dried Scott decision, as it is, never could have been made in its present form if the party that made it had not been sustained previously by the elections.

My own opinion is, that the new Dried Scott decision, deciding against the right of the people of the States to exclude slavery will never be made, if that party is not sustained by the elections. I believe, further, that it is Just as sure to be made as to-morrow is to come, if that party shall be sustained. I have said, upon a former occasion, and I repeat it now, that the course of argument that Judge Douglas makes use of upon this subject (l charge not his motives in this), is repairing the public mind for that new Dried Scott decision….

In this I think I argue fairly (without questioning motives at all) that Judge Douglas is most ingeniously and powerfully preparing the public mind to take that decision when it comes; and not only so, but he is doing it in various other ways. In these general maxims about liberty, in his assertions that he “don’t care whether slavery is voted up or voted down;” that “however wants slavery has a right to have it;” that “there is no inconsistency between free and slave institutions. ” In this he is also preparing whether purposely or not) the way for making the institution of slavery national!

I repeat again, for I wish no misunderstanding, that I do not charge that he meaner it so; but I call upon your minds to inquire, if you were going to get the best instrument you could, and then set it to work in the most ingenious way, to prepare the public mind for this movement, operating in the Free States, where there is now an abhorrence of the institution of slavery, could you find an instrument so capable of doing it as Judge Douglas, or one employed in so apt a way to do it? …

And I do hint-I repeat, though I said it on a former occasion-that Judge Douglas and however, Declaration of Independence, is going back to the era of our liberty and independence, and, so far as in him lies, muzzling the cannon that thunders its annual Joyous return; that he is blowing out the moral rights around us, when he contends that however wants slaves has a right to hold them; that he is penetrating, so far as lies in his power, the human soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty, when he is in every possible way preparing the public mind, by his sat influence, for making the institution of slavery perpetual and national…. It is, therefore, as I think, a very important question for the consideration of the American people, whether the policy of bringing in additional territory, without considering at all how it will operate upon the safety of the Union in reference to this one great disturbing element in our national politics, shall be adopted as the policy of the country. You will bear in mind that it is to be acquired, according to the Judge’s view, as fast as it is needed, and the indefinite part of this proposition is that we have only Judge Douglas and his class of men to decide how fast territory is needed.

We have no clear and certain way of determining or demonstrating how fast territory is needed by the necessities of the country. However wants to go out filibustering, then, thinks that more territory is needed. However wants wider slave-fields, feels sure that some additional territory is needed as slave-territory. Then it is as easy to show the necessity of additional slave-territory as it is to assert anything that is incapable of absolute demonstration. Whatever motive a man or a set of men may have for making annexation of property or territory it is very easy to assert, but much less easy to disprove, that it is necessary for the wants of the country.

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