Take Home Questions Essay Research Paper Sociology

7 July 2017

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Take Home Questions Essay, Research Paper

Sociology 103 Take Home Questions

1.Ethnic stratification is a rank order of groups, each made up of people with

presumed common cultural or physical features interacting in forms of laterality

and subordination. To get down with, all systems of cultural stratification are merchandises of the

contact of antecedently separated groups. Initial contact may be in the signifier of conquering,

appropriation, voluntary in-migration, or nonvoluntary in-migration. Following contact, groups

engage in competition, position one another ethnocentrically, and, finally, one imposes its

superior power over the others, emerging as the dominant group. Cultural stratification

systems are created by the motion of people across national boundaries, normally

conveying with them different linguistic communications and cultural systems, or by the constitution of

new political boundaries. Multiethnic societies are formed through one or a combination

of several contact forms. The first factor critical to the outgrowth of cultural

stratification or inequality is Conquest. Conquest is a signifier of contact in which people of

one society repress all or portion of another society and take on the function of the dominant

group. European colonialism of the eighteenth and 19th centuries best exemplifies

this form. The following factor to the outgrowth of cultural stratification is Annexation. It is

a political happening in which a portion or perchance all of one society is incorporated into

another. If a collected society has a dominant group, so the cultural groups within that

society go subsidiary at the point that sovereignty is transferred. Such appropriation

may happen in a peaceful or a violent mode. Following appropriation, the most common

forms by which cultural groups come into contact involve in-migration. The in-migration

of peoples from one society to another may be either voluntary or nonvoluntary. The head

beginning of cultural heterogeneousness in the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand

has been voluntary in-migration. The main aim of people who emigrate from their

place society is normally economic improvement though sometimes political or spiritual

considerations play an of import function. Demographers who study migration forms refer

to factors of? push and draw? that motivate people to go forth their original society and

migrate to one that promises improved conditions of life. The? pull? happens in times of

economic adversity, people will be encouraged to emigrate if they perceive more favourable

economic chances in another society. Depressed economic conditions, affecting

minimum occupation chances and low rewards, along with a low outlook of improvement of

such conditions, represent the? push? . Extra push factors were the addition in

evictions by landlords and the unlikeliness of any major political alterations that would hold

improved the economic state of affairs. On the pull side, the most appealing societies were

those in demand of unskilled labour, like the United States and Canada, which were so in the

primary phases of industrialisation. Finally, Involuntary in-migration involves the forced

transportation of peoples from one society to another. Such forced motions are best

exemplified by the slave trade of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and 19th centuries,

which brought 1000000s of inkinesss from Africa to work the cotton and sugar plantations of

the United States, Brazil, and the West Indies.

Lieberson? s theory is that the nature by which diverse ethnic groups ab initio run into

has been shown to be a critical factor in explicating the outgrowth of cultural inequality and

the particular patterns it later takes. He distinguishes two major types of contact

state of affairss. The first type, migratory hypernymy, is illustrated by assorted colonial

conquerings in which a technologically and organizationally more powerful migratory group

subdues the native population. The 2nd, autochthonal hypernymy, is characteristic

of most voluntary and nonvoluntary in-migrations such as those to North America ; in these

instances, the arriving groups are ab initio made subsidiary to a resident dominant group.

Lieberson maintains that long-run struggle is more likely in societies where the autochthonal

population at initial contact is low-level. Native groups less powerful than the arriving

colonials are left with few options other than opposition to the new societal order imposed

on them. This ill will is further strengthened when the conquest group, over clip,

becomes itself an autochthonal group. It is the comparative power of the migrator and autochthonal

groups that determines the eventual nature of cultural stratification in each of these

state of affairss. Where an invading group is successful in ruling the native population, the

political and economic systems of the new group are imposed, and warfare and general

struggle are likely to ensue rapidly. Situations in which the indigen group wields greater

power and immigrant groups enter as subsidiaries produce less open struggle ab initio.

The autochthonal group retains control over the size and character of in-migration and may

encourage speedy assimilation, as in the instance of most European immigrants to the United

States. Furthermore, struggle is diminished by the fact that if the in-migration is voluntary,

disgruntled immigrants may return to their society of beginning.

Although the nature of initial group reach my be of import in giving rise to and

determining the eventual system of cultural stratification, Donald Noel has pointed three

extra factors in 1968. They are ethnocentrism, competition for scarce societal

resources, and an unequal distribution of power. On initial contact, divergent groups will

justice each other in footings of their ain civilization, ethnocentrically. Given the nature of

ethnocentrism, these ratings will normally be negative. The negative judgements will

depend on the grade of difference between the groups: The more dissimilar they are, the

more negative the judgement. When culturally dissimilar groups meet, so, ethnocentrism

can be expected to epitomize intergroup attitudes. However, ethnocentrism entirely is non

sufficient to bring forth cultural stratification. Groups may see one another negatively

without the necessary outgrowth of dominant-subordinate dealingss among them. An

extra requirement is competition, structured along cultural lines. Noel poses that the

more intense the competition, the greater the likeliness of the outgrowth of cultural

stratification. When groups strive for the same scarce resources, their interrelatednesss take

on the features of competition and struggle. Within the competitory sphere, those

groups with the greatest capacity to accommodate to the societal and physical environment will stop

up higher in the cultural hierarchy. Differential power among the assorted groups is the concluding

requirement for the development of cultural stratification. Unless one can overmaster

another, there is no footing for a stable rank order of cultural groups, even if there is

competition and ethnocentrism among them. When there is a peculiarly broad power spread

between viing and ethnocentric groups, the emergent stratification system is likely to

be rather lasting. Power strains more power and one time established, the dominant group

uses its power to blockade the competition of other groups and to solidify laterality. In

the terminal, differential power among the assorted groups is the most critical of the

demands for the outgrowth of cultural stratification. Noel? s theory postulates that

competition for scarce resources provides the motive for stratification, ethnocentrism

channels this competition along cultural lines, and differential power determines whether

one group will be able to subordinate others.


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